From nationwide injunctions to deportations without hearings to a president firing independent agency heads at will, 2025 and 2026 have produced some of the most consequential separation-of-powers rulings in decades — where should the lines between the branches actually sit?
Each issue breaks into the specific questions Congress actually fights over. Read each position, then head to the interactive version of this issue to mark which reflects your view and build a message to your representatives.
A single, often hand-picked district judge blocking a federal policy nationwide, for every person in the country, was never something the Judiciary Act of 1789 clearly authorized — but it was also the main practical check available against clearly unconstitutional executive action (like the birthright-citizenship order at issue in the case itself) before other litigants could organize their own suits, and narrowing it now removes protection while any replacement (class actions, state-plaintiff suits) is still being tested.
CRS found nationwide injunctions climbed sharply across the last several administrations of both parties — from single digits under Bush to dozens under both Trump terms — making this less a partisan grievance about one president than an escalating structural pattern the Court's 6-3 CASA ruling was responding to, even though the decision's timing benefited one side more than the other in the moment.
Federal courts issuing relief that binds the government nationwide, for people who were never parties to the specific lawsuit, exceeds the 'complete relief to the parties before the court' principle that has governed equity since the founding — the CASA decision restores courts to deciding the cases actually in front of them rather than functioning as a one-judge veto over national policy.
The government admitted it mistakenly deported Kilmar Abrego Garcia to a Salvadoran prison despite a standing 2019 order barring his removal there specifically, then argued in court it lacked the power to bring him back — and the administration invoked an 18th-century wartime statute to deport people with roughly 24 hours' notice and no meaningful opportunity to contest gang-membership allegations a court later called, in some cases, 'flimsy to frivolous.'
All nine Justices agreed, across two separate rulings, that individuals facing removal under the Alien Enemies Act are constitutionally entitled to notice and a genuine opportunity to seek habeas relief before removal — the unresolved fight is over how much notice is enough and whether courts in practice are actually providing the 'robust, pre-removal process' the majority opinion described, not whether due process applies at all.
The Alien Enemies Act is a valid, congressionally enacted wartime authority the President is using against an alleged foreign gang the administration says is engaged in something resembling an 'invasion' or 'predatory incursion' — a legally contested characterization the courts, not the administration alone, are actively adjudicating, and the government has continued to comply with Supreme Court notice rulings as litigation proceeds.
Overruling Humphrey's Executor after 90 years hands the President the power to fire the leadership of dozens of independent agencies — the NLRB, the Merit Systems Protection Board, the Consumer Product Safety Commission — at will, letting any president pack agencies Congress deliberately designed to be bipartisan and insulated from short-term political pressure with members of one party alone.
The Court's own 6-3 majority opinion pointedly carved out the Federal Reserve as different, citing its 'unique historical tradition,' and left unresolved whether the same logic applies to the U.S. Tax Court or the Copyright Office register — meaning the ruling's full reach across the dozens of other multi-member federal boards and commissions remains a live, unsettled question the Court has explicitly deferred rather than decided.
The Constitution vests 'the executive power' in a single President, and agencies exercising real executive functions — like the FTC's enforcement of antitrust and consumer-protection law across 'nearly every facet of the economy' — cannot be constitutionally insulated from presidential accountability just because Congress in 1914 called the FTC's function 'quasi-legislative'; the ruling restores, rather than distorts, the constitutional design.
Federalizing state National Guard units over the explicit objection of their own governors — as happened in Los Angeles, Portland, and Chicago in 2025 — for the first time in 60 years without gubernatorial consent used a rarely-invoked statute with no clear geographic or time limit, and a federal district court in Illinois found the government's own version of events 'not reliable,' faulting officials for 'equating protests with riots.'
Every court to actually examine the factual record — three federal district courts, the Seventh Circuit, and finally the Supreme Court itself — ruled against the deployments on the specific facts presented, without foreclosing that a genuinely severe breakdown in state or local law enforcement could someday meet the legal threshold this statute actually requires.
Protecting federal property, personnel, and functions — including ICE facilities besieged by protesters throwing bottles, rocks, and fireworks at federal agents — is a legitimate use of federalized Guard troops under existing statutory authority, and the administration ultimately withdrew the deployments at year's end once the immediate security situations were addressed, rather than defying the courts' rulings.
A blanket pardon covering roughly 1,500 January 6th defendants — including people convicted of assaulting police officers and fighting to stop certification of a presidential election — on the very first day of a new term, using a proclamation calling their prosecution a 'grave national injustice,' turns a safety valve meant for individual cases of injustice into a mechanism for absolving an entire category of politically motivated offenders en masse, with real recidivism already documented among those pardoned.
Even several Republican senators who voted to convict at the 2021 impeachment trial — Murkowski, Collins, Cassidy — publicly criticized the scope of the pardons specifically for covering violent offenders, showing the objection isn't limited to one party even as the two parties otherwise divide sharply on the pardons overall; the resulting bipartisan reform bill (with a Republican co-sponsor) reflects that narrower area of actual agreement.
The pardon power is an enumerated, essentially unreviewable Article II authority the Constitution gives the President for exactly this purpose — correcting what he views as politically motivated overcharging by a prior administration's Justice Department — and the same broad authority has been used by presidents of both parties, including President Biden's own pardon of the January 6th committee's members and staff on his way out the door.